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Saturday, October 22, 2011

Suskind's The Confidence Men

by Jeff Sovern

I just finished listening to the audio version of Ron Suskind's Confidence Men: Wall Street, Washington, and the Education of a President. It purports to be a you-are-there Woodward-style account of the first two years of economic-policymaking in the Obama administration. You never know how much of this stuff to believe, given that the audio version, at least, generally does not indicate sources. Still,with that caveat, readers of the blog may be interested in at least a few items from the book:

  • Treasury Secretary Timothy Geitner promised bankers while the Dodd-Frank Act was working its way through Congress that Elizabeth Warren would never become the director of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau.
  • Economic policy in the Obama administration was made very slowly in what appeared to be a failure of process. Strong personalities like Larry Summers frequently sought to "relitigate" matters on which the president had decided against them, with the result that the same issues were reviewed over and over. Summers even commented that they were 'home alone" without a grown up in charge. That may help explain why the administration moved so slowly to name leaders for the OCC and the CFPB.
  • The book also describes how Goldman Sachs learned a couple of years before the subprime crisis exploded that there was a problem with some of the subprime mortgage originators (or maybe it was underwriters evaluating loans; books sometimes go a little fast when you're driving while listening to them) from which it was buying loans. Specifically, some originators sold Goldman loan pools in which a whopping 10% of the borrowers were not even making their first payments. Nevertheless, Goldman continued buying from them and selling to others. It has been reported elsewhere, of course, that Goldman went short on subprime loans for its own account. In other words, Goldman bet against subprime loans while continuing to sell them to others when it knew there were problems with them.

Posted by Jeff Sovern on Saturday, October 22, 2011 at 06:45 PM in Book & Movie Reviews, Consumer Financial Protection Bureau | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)

Friday, October 21, 2011

Does California's new Reader Privacy Act threaten individual bloggers?

by Paul Alan Levy

In a blog post today about the California Reader Privacy Act, Eric Goldman raises an alarm about the law’s possible application to bloggers.  The statute provides that a “book service” — a “service that, as its primary purpose, provides the rental, purchase, borrowing, browsing, or viewing of books” — may not provide personal information about its users to a “government entity” without observing certain heightened process, and may not be compelled to provide personal information about its users to “any person, private entity, or government entity.”   Professor Goldman argues that the definition of the word “book” could be extended to blogs because it applies to “paginated or similarly organized content,” and blogs typically have a series of pages, with the most recent posts on the first page. He acknowledges that the law extends only to commercial entities, in that the law defines "provider" as "any commercial entity offering a book service to the public."   But he expresses concern that any blogger who carries ads could be argued to be a “commercial entity.”

His post suggests that the drafters of the statute may not have intended this result, but the words could be construed to apply to bloggers and the danger is heightened because “the statute has a private cause of action that will be enforced by a rapacious privacy plaintiffs’ bar.”  He concludes by offering the possible unintended consequences of the statute as an illustration of his general view that “states categorically should not try to regulate the Internet.”

Generally speaking, I tend to agree with most of what Eric Goldman posts on his Technology & Marketing Blog, but I disagree with this post.

Continue reading "Does California's new Reader Privacy Act threaten individual bloggers?" »

Posted by Paul Levy on Friday, October 21, 2011 at 06:50 PM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)

Arbitration Articles Abound!

Myriam E. Gilles

 of Cardozo and

Gary B. Friedman

 of the Friedman Law Group have written After Class: Aggregate Litigation in the Wake of AT&T Mobility v. Concepcion, 79 University of Chicago Law Review (2012).  Here's the abstract:

Class actions are on the ropes. Courts in recent years have ramped up the standards governing the certification of damages classes and created new standing requirements for consumer class actions. Most recently, in Wal-Mart v. Dukes, the Supreme Court articulated a new and highly restrictive interpretation of the commonality requirement of Rule 23(a). But all of this pales in comparison to the Court’s April 2011 decision in AT&T Mobility v. Concepcion, broadly validating arbitration provisions containing class action waivers. The precise reach of AT&T warrants close scrutiny. Our analysis suggests that following AT&T, some plaintiffs will be able to successfully challenge class waivers under certain circumstances. Also, the new Consumer Financial Protection Bureau - if it is not still-born at the hands of hostile congressional midwives - is likely to eliminate some class action waivers in the financial services field. But most class cases will not survive the impending tsunami of class action waivers. And as this great mass of consumer protection, antitrust, employment and other cases is swept out to sea, the question arises: what or who can fill the resulting enforcement gap?

And here, we believe the “private attorney general” role assumed by class action lawyers over the past several decades will inevitably give way to a world in which state attorneys general make unprecedented use of their parents repatriate authority. Insulated from the threats posed by class action waivers and restrictive class action standing doctrine, AGs are now uniquely positioned to represent the interests of their citizens in the very consumer, antitrust, wage-and-hour and other cases that have long provided the staple of private class action practice. And to tackle complex cases, underfunded AG offices will make use of the private class action lawyers who have acquired expertise in originating, investigating and prosecuting class cases. Of course, there are political risks here - given the model’s dependency on contingent fee arrangements - but there are also substantial political benefits, as AGs around the country begin to take leadership positions in the sort of complex, big-ticket cases that are likely to contribute meaningfully to state coffers - and redress the injuries of consumers and employees who would otherwise have no recourse in a post-AT&T world.

Amy Schmitz

 of Colorado contributes Arbitration Ambush in a Policy Polemic, 3 Penn State Yearbook on Arbitration and Mediation 52, (2011).  Here's her abstract:

Arbitration has been demonized in the media and consumer protection debates, often without empirical support or consideration of its attributes. This has led to renewed efforts to pass the Arbitration Fairness Action, which would bar enforcement of pre-dispute arbitration clauses in consumer, employment, and civil rights contexts. It also inspired Dodd-Frank’s preclusion of arbitration clauses in mortgage contracts, along with the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau’s charge to prohibit or limit enforcement of pre-dispute arbitration agreements in consumer financial products and services contracts. Some of this negativity toward arbitration is warranted, especially in the wake of the United Supreme Court’s recent holdings highlighting a pro-business stance enforcement of arbitration agreements. Nonetheless, this does not necessarily justify abolishment of consumer arbitration. Accordingly, this Article suggest a more reasoned approach, and offers suggestions for carefully considered reforms that protect consumers without overly impeding beneficial use of arbitration. Litigation is not always the answer. Instead, it is time to rescue and revive arbitration from ambush.

Stephen E. Friedman

 of Widener adds A Pro-Congress Approach to Arbitration and Unconscionability, 105 Northwestern University Law Review Colloquy 53 (2011).  Here's that abstract::

This Essay endeavors to resolve a current controversy involving the application of the unconscionability doctrine to arbitration agreements. The pro-arbitration policies of the Federal Arbitration Act (FAA) and the anti-arbitration instincts of the unconscionability doctrine are difficult to reconcile. Instead of clarity in this area of law, we have a series of hints and clues, often contradictory, from the Supreme Court. Although Professor David Horton and I share a desire to clarify this area of the law, we have nearly opposite views about how this should be accomplished. This Essay sets forth my position and also responds to Unconscionability Wars, Professor Horton's latest thoughtful effort on the subject.

Finally, we have Texas's A

lan Scott Rau

 who has authored Arbitral Power and the Limits of Contract: The New Trilogy, American Review of International Arbitration, Forthcoming.  The abstract reads as follows:

 The American law of arbitration has for some reason been replete with what we have become accustomed to call “trilogies” – and the last two terms of the U.S. Supreme Court have curiously continued that pattern. Once again the Court has handed us three leading cases on closely-related themes – and these decisions have turned out in fact to be in many ways the most interesting of the lot. (I am referring of course to Stolt-Nielsen, Rent-A-Center, and Concepcion.)

All three amount to extended riffs on the Question of Questions – the scope of arbitral power: And so the Court has continued to dip its finger into this rich mixture – compounded of notions of judicial review, “arbitrability,” “separability,” compétence/compétence, and the preemption of state law – all of our hard-earned lore and learning is there. Apparently it is now well beyond the power of arbitrators to hold that “classwide proceedings are permitted,” at least without some pretty special authorization (Stolt-Nielsen) – while it is well beyond the power of courts to hold that they must be – certainly not when the parties have agreed to an arbitral determination (Rent-A-Center), and even when they haven’t (Concepcion).

It seems reasonably clear that these cases will continue to generate endless discussion. Undoubtedly for the moment the greatest salience will be with respect to arbitration clauses in contracts of adhesion entered into by consumers and employees – although this recent jurisprudence has the potential of sweeping far more broadly. Things now seem curiously muddled: If our law of arbitration no longer seems to have any clear unifying theme, this suggests that private adjudication – rather than presenting us as it once did us with a coherent and self-contained body of doctrine – has become a hostage to a game played out on a larger stage, a pawn of wider, systemic “political” concerns. Throughout the “trilogy” we have seen much familiar learning yoked to the service of a market-driven political agenda, in the process inevitably becoming warped and almost unrecognizable. And so – yet another untoward result – these cases will require the reevaluation of what seemed, for a while, to constitute comfortably settled certainties. Here is at least one step in that direction.


 

 

 

Posted by Jeff Sovern on Friday, October 21, 2011 at 05:43 PM in Arbitration, Class Actions, Consumer Law Scholarship | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)

Big Study Says Cell Phones Don't Cause Cancer

An LA Times article says that a "major study of nearly 360,000 cellphone users in Denmark found no increased risk of brain tumors with long-term use" of cell phones. The study was reported in the British Medical Journal and can be found here. Five months ago a WHO study found that cell phone use is "possibly" carcenogic.

Posted by Brian Wolfman on Friday, October 21, 2011 at 04:28 PM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)

Thursday, October 20, 2011

Examining the Call for the CFPB to Have a Commission-Structure

investors Business Daily has an editorial here, Cordray Can Wait, opposing Cordray's confirmation and urging that the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau have a commission-structure.  Let's take a look:

As Ohio's attorney general, Cordray's main focus was making Wall Street pay for the financial crisis. He sued BofA, AIG, Standard & Poor's, Moody's and other Wall Street firms on behalf of public-employee pensions. His shakedown netted trial lawyers and the unions they represent for more than $1 billion in settlements and fees.

Standard & Poor's and Moody's would be the folks that gave top ratings to toxic mortgages that later defaulted.  AIG received hundreds of billions in bailout funds, gave hundreds of millions in bonuses, and issued insurance in the form of credit default swaps that they couldn't make good on without the bailout.  And BofA took over Countrywide's toxic mortgages.  Could it be that Cordray was justified in bringing those suits?

Here's more:

Most concerning, this wannabe federal bank sheriff is in the back pocket of trial lawyers. The law firm that represented Ohio in the AIG case pumped $125,000 into Cordray's campaigns. Other firms donated $200,000 to Cordray, who plans to run for Ohio governor one day.

That's a fraction of the $2.3 million the finance, insurance, and real estate sector has donated in the current cycle to Senator Richard Shelby, the leader of the 44 Republican Senators opposing Cordray's confirmation, according to the Center for Responsive Politics.  Sounds like if Cordray were willing to be bought, he could have made more money working for the banks.  Could the fact that he didn't sell out to the highest bidder mean he's honest?  Another excerpt:

Heading its Office of Fair Lending is Patrice Ficklin, a a black civil-rights lawyers who headed Fannie Mae's racial grievance unit. She leads a team using new race-based lending data to crack down on banks that apply prudent lending standards equally to minorities.

Why is it relevant that she's black?  And what's wrong with using data to make decisions? Isn't that how it's supposed to be?  A final quote:

As Democrats set up the CFPB, the director enjoys unprecedented power, reporting only to the president. The agency is . . . funded outside the annual appropriations process . . . . In effect, it's not accountable to Congress or the American public.

Just like the OCC, except that, unlike the Bureau, OCC decisions aren't subject to overruling by the Financial Stability Oversight Commission.  Odd how the more powerful OCC hasn't generated calls for a commission. Could it be because the OCC has been captured by the banks?   When IBD says that the Bureau isn't "accountable to Congress or the American public," could they mean that it isn't accountable to the banks?  Because the OCC seems a lot more accountable to the banks than to Congress or the American public

Posted by Jeff Sovern on Thursday, October 20, 2011 at 01:15 PM in Consumer Financial Protection Bureau | Permalink | Comments (2) | TrackBack (0)

More Data on Increasing Income Inequality in the U.S.

Income-inequalityWe have blogged here and here about increasing income inequality in the United States. Now the Business Insider has posted a series of charts that it says "explain what the protesters are angry about." The charts make four points: (1) "unemployment is at the highest level since the Great Depression"; (2) "at the same time, corporate profits are at an all-time high, both in absolute dollars and as a share of the economy"; (3) "wages as a percent of the economy are at an all-time low"; and (4) "income and wealth inequality in the US economy is near an all-time high". Go here and here to view the charts and read more detailed explanations.

 

 

Posted by Brian Wolfman on Thursday, October 20, 2011 at 11:49 AM | Permalink | Comments (1) | TrackBack (0)

Tuesday, October 18, 2011

Ben Carter's Open Letter to Kentucky Judges on Foreclosure

Here.  An excerpt:

Kentucky, thank God, is a state that requires banks to seek judicial approval before taking a homeowner’s house. Some states don’t. I’m writing today to encourage you to apply much stricter scrutiny–both legal and equitable–on foreclosure proceedings than has traditionally been applied. I’m writing to ask you to incorporate alternative dispute resolution in your foreclosure cases that will ensure that the parties have explored in good faith every alternative to foreclosure before granting judgment in favor of foreclosing Plaintiffs. I’m writing to ask you to ensure that the foreclosures inflicted upon the community are only those that are absolutely necessary.

Posted by Jeff Sovern on Tuesday, October 18, 2011 at 06:38 PM in Foreclosure Crisis | Permalink | Comments (1) | TrackBack (0)

Monday, October 17, 2011

Curbing Cell-Phone Bill Shock

Read this LA Times article about the cell-phone industry's decision, under threat of FCC regulation, to be more transparent about what it charges. So, for instance, the major companies now say that they will send alerts to consumer when they near monthly limits. Here's an excerpt from the article:

The days of shockingly high and unexpected charges on cellphone bills could be coming to an end. AT&T Inc., Verizon Wireless, and other major cellphone providers have agreed with U.S. regulators to begin sending alerts to customers who are approaching monthly voice, text or data limits. The aim is to help them avoid hefty additional charges that cause what consumer advocates call bill shock. Under the voluntary industry guidelines, developed under the threat of new government regulations, companies also would send alerts when customers exceed their plans' limits and are subject to overage charges. Customers traveling abroad would be warned that they are about to incur often pricey international roaming fees, according to Federal Communications Commission officials. The alerts will be free to customers, who will automatically receive them unless they choose not to, said the officials, who requested anonymity to release details ahead of the official announcement.

 

Posted by Brian Wolfman on Monday, October 17, 2011 at 08:48 AM | Permalink | Comments (4) | TrackBack (0)

Sunday, October 16, 2011

Sheryl Harris on Opposition to Confirmation of the CFPB Director

Here.  An excerpt:

Republican senators . . . insist they will block the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau from getting a director unless the White House agrees to radical changes.

Most dangerously, Republicans want the bureau's budget to be part of the appropriations process, which not only makes its funding subject to the whims of Congress but also forces the cost onto the backs of taxpayers. The previous Congress funded the bureau through the self-supported Federal Reserve precisely to protect it from political pressures.

Unlike most other federal agencies, the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau's decisions are subject to review by a panel of other regulators. The hold-out Republicans want to make it easier for those regulators to overturn the bureau's rules.

Lastly, the Gang of 44 wants to replace the bureau's director with a five-member commission. That means that instead of enduring endless delays in affirming just one leader, the American public could look forward to five times the foot-dragging.

Enough.

American families are in crisis. They have lost homes or become anchored to cities where jobs are scarce by houses they cannot sell without taking a loss. Their kids go to college only to emerge with staggering private student loan debt they must immediately repay even if they can't find jobs. Many adults are struggling to pay off debts incurred when credit limits were just a state of mind and going through bankruptcy meant coming home to a slew of new card offers.

Posted by Jeff Sovern on Sunday, October 16, 2011 at 10:32 PM in Consumer Financial Protection Bureau | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)

Friday, October 14, 2011

Newt Gingrich and the Role of Courts

We in the consumer law world sometimes call on the courts to enforce and interpret the law. In case you were wondering, the courts in a Gingrich Administration would not be a favored Branch. His Administration would ignore the Supreme Court on decisions about national security, and, if he didn't like the way a particular court of appeals decided issues, he'd try to defund it (no law clerks, no electricity in the court house are the examples he gives) so that it wouldn't get in his way. Read and watch here, here, and here.

Posted by Brian Wolfman on Friday, October 14, 2011 at 06:10 AM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)

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