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Monday, July 22, 2013

What should the CFPB do (or not do)?

The New York Times has published what it calls a debate on how the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau should (or should not) exercise its power. It's actually six essays by . . .

New York AG Eric Schneiderman [Reforms in mortgage abuse can become regulations. Action on debt and credit can be expanded. Financial literacy can be a priority.]

Law prof Todd Zywicki [The wave of regulation since the financial crisis has already hurt vulnerable, low-income consumers.]

Consumer advocate Chi Chi Wu [Abuses and errors by credit agencies and debt collectors can be reined in and well-regulated now.]

Head of the National Association of Student Financial Aid Administrators Justin Draeger [Voluntary actions by lenders should become federal requirements as the private loan market continues to grow.]

Financial industry lawyer Andrew Sandler [The agency has noble goals, but parts of its approach may be self-defeating. When financial businesses feel skittish, vulnerable consumers are likely to be shut out.]

Housing finance specialist Julia Gordon [The mortgage servicing system is still rife with problems. Families shouldn't be having their homes sold in foreclosure when they're trying to negotiate a solution.]

 

Posted by Brian Wolfman on Monday, July 22, 2013 at 04:28 PM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)

Suit challenges CFPB's authority to regulate legal services industry

As explained in this National Law Journal article by Zoe Tillman,

In the latest constitutional challenge against the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, the agency was accused today of overstepping its authority by attempting to regulate the practice of law and collect personal financial data. A complaint filed in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia accused the agency of trying to force a company that provides support services to lawyers to turn over confidential personal financial information. The plaintiffs also claimed the bureau was weighing enforcement actions over fee arrangements in bankruptcy matters that would "usurp" the authority of state bar associations. More broadly, the lawsuit included claims that the bureau's structure was unconstitutional because it operated too far outside the oversight of the executive, legislative and judicial branches. Previous challenges to the bureau focused on President Barack Obama's recess appointment of bureau director Richard Cordray, but the Senate confirmed his appointment last week.

Posted by Brian Wolfman on Monday, July 22, 2013 at 04:07 PM | Permalink | Comments (1) | TrackBack (0)

New 9th circuit decision underscores Federal Arbitration Act's impact on access to the courts

by Brian Wolfman

Last week, in Mortensen v. Bresnan Communications, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit compelled arbitration in a consumer class action.The consumer's take-it-or-leave-it contract with the defendant Internet service provider contained a requirement to arbitrate disputes. (The clause also banned class arbitration. See footnote 4 of the court's opinion.)

The main question on appeal involved a Montana state-law contract rule. That rule says that adhesive contracts that contain provisions that are "not in the reasonable expectations of both parties when contracting" is void as against public policy. Montana courts have said that involuntary waivers of "fundamental constitutional rights" are outside of consumers' reasonable expectations. Those rights include the rights to trial by jury and access to the courts. And adhesive pre-dispute arbitration agreements seek to ditch those rights. That's the whole point of them.

So, the question was whether the Montana rule was overriden by section 2 of the Federal Arbitration Act (FAA), which says that arbitration agreements generally should be enforced, or whether the Montana rule was "saved" by section 2's last clause, which says that section 2's general rule of enforceability doesn't apply to "grounds as exist at law or in equity for the revocation of any contract."

You might think that Montana's rule is one that applies to "any contract," not just contracts to arbitrate. And it is a generally applicable rule. But as most of our readers know, that doesn't matter under recent Supreme Court decisions such as AT&T Mobility v. Concepcion. So, it's not surprising that the Ninth Circuit upheld the arbitration clause at issue in Mortensen.

But Mortensen is still worth a look. Check out the breadth of its language, and you get a sense just how far the courts think they can (must?) go under the Supreme Court's recent rulings:

We interpret Concepcion's holding to be broader than a restriction on the use of unconscionability to end-run FAA preemption. We take Concepcion to mean what its plain language says: Any general state-law contract defense, based in unconscionability or otherwise, that has a disproportionate effect on arbitration is displaced by the FAA. We find support for this reading from the illustration in Concepcion involving a case “finding unconscionable or unenforceable as against public policy consumer arbitration agreements that fail to provide for judicially monitored discovery.” 131 S.Ct. at 1747 (emphasis added). Other courts have read Concepcion in a similar way. [footnote omitted]

Some might argue that our interpretation of Concepcion goes too far beyond the initial purpose of the FAA, which was to eliminate judicial hostility toward arbitration and place arbitration provisions on “the same footing” as all other contractual provisions. [citations omitted]. But we follow the Supreme Court's premise in Concepcion that the FAA's purpose is to “ensur[e] that private arbitrations are enforced.” 131 S.Ct. at 1748 (quoting Volt Info. Scis., Inc. v. Bd. of Trs. of Leland Stanford Junior Univ., 489 U.S. 468, 474 (1989)); see also Am. Express Co. v. Italian Colors Rest., ––– S.Ct. ––––, No. 12–133, 2013 WL 3064410, at *6 & n. 5 (June 20, 2013) (noting that Concepcion established that “the FAA's command to enforce arbitration agreements trumps any interest in ensuring the prosecution of low-value claims”). The word “ensure” is defined to mean “to make (one) sure (as by pledging, guaranteeing, convincing, or declaring)” or “to make sure, certain, or safe: GUARANTEE.” Webster's Third New International Dictionary 756 (1993). In our view, Concepcion crystalized the directive, touched on in Volt, 489 U.S. at 474, that the FAA's purpose is to give preference (instead of mere equality) to arbitration provisions. 131 S.Ct. at 1748. [emphasis added] Concepcion outlaws discrimination in state policy that is unfavorable to arbitration by further limiting the savings clause.  We are bound by our duty to apply Concepcion and do so here.

Posted by Brian Wolfman on Monday, July 22, 2013 at 08:13 AM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)

Sunday, July 21, 2013

Talking Arbitration, the Supreme Court, and Civil Rights

I'm presenting at a few CLE programs over the next few days and I thought readers of the blog might be interested. The first can be accessed via phone; the other two will be at the American Association of Justice's Annual Convention in San Francisco:

  • A one-hour phone briefing on American Express v. Italian Colors: Practical Implications for Class Action Attorneys, on Tuesday, July 23 at 10-11 Pacific/1-2pm Eastern. I represented the respondents in Italian Colors and will be joined by Archis Parasharami of Mayer Brown, who represented the U.S. Chamber of Commerce as amicus.  The program is moderated by Professor Thomas Stipanowich of Pepperdine Law, a leading expert on the law of arbitration. (There's a $25 discount for CL&P readers.)
  • A talk on the U.S. Supreme Court Term in Review to AAJ's Civil Rights Section, Monday, July 22, 11am.
  • A talk on Arbitration Developments to AAJ's Class Action Litigation Group, Tuesday, July 23, 2:15pm.

Posted by Public Citizen Litigation Group on Sunday, July 21, 2013 at 06:30 PM in Arbitration, Class Actions, Conferences, U.S. Supreme Court | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)

Friday, July 19, 2013

Susan Block-Lieb Paper on Accountability and the CFPB

Though the confirmation of CFPB Director Cordray mutes the issue of CFPB accountabilty, it does not moot it.  Those who remain interested in the issue may wish to consult Susan Block-Lieb of Fordham's paper, Accountability and the Bureau of Consumer Financial Protection, 7 Brooklyn Journal of Corporate, Financial & Commercial Law (2013).  Here's the abstract:

Some industry and political actors oppose the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) on the grounds that its institutional design ensures its lack of accountability. Specifically, opponents point to the CFPB’s regulatory and financial independence and to the fact that a single director heads the Bureau rather than a bipartisan panel of commissioners. But to focus on the Bureau’s financial independence and single director misses the distinctive political deal struck when Congress created the CFPB.  The CFPB has been uniquely and intentionally structured to insulate it not only from interest group influence and executive interference, but also from congressional control, while at the same time requiring the Bureau to share its regulatory space with numerous political actors. The Bureau’s independence is greatest when it issues regulations, but it is much less independent (and so more accountable) when viewed as an enforcement agent. While the CFPB holds nearly exclusive enforcement authority over large financial institutions, its ability to examine even these “large banks” is shared with prudential regulators; moreover, the CFPB must rely on the relevant prudential regulator to enforce consumer financial protection regulation as against banks and other financial institutions with assets of $10 billion or less and on the FTC as a contiguous regulator of “covered persons” that are not banks. Given that regulation is only as effective as regulators are willing to enforce the law in the books, this shared enforcement jurisdiction holds the key to the CFPB’s accountability to political and industry forces. Because the Bureau shares enforcement jurisdiction with the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, the National Credit Union Administration, and other bank regulators, as a practical matter it will also have to take prudential regulators’ concerns into account when promulgating regulations. Although only the Financial Stability Council can veto a regulation promulgated by the Bureau, CFPB regulations might well be undermined by other regulators’ inaction as enforcement agents. Prudential regulators cannot alone veto regulation issued by the CFPB, but they can comment in the public record, lobby for the Council to set the rules aside, and try to thwart enforcement efforts. Moreover, although the CFPB is financially independent and headed by a single director, Congress can exert influence on the Bureau through its influence on other administrative agencies as well as its power to reverse CFPB regulations legislatively and modify or repeal the legislation that created the Bureau. The CFPB’s design, while unusual, it is not anti-democratic. Like Ulysses tied to the mast, the institutional design of the Bureau works like a pre-commitment device and permits the Bureau to rise above the client politics that normally surround financial regulation and protect the diffuse interests of consumers, even after concerns about the subprime mortgage crisis abate.

Posted by Jeff Sovern on Friday, July 19, 2013 at 07:13 PM in Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, Consumer Law Scholarship | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)

The FOIA machine

Consumer advocates often want government-held information and use the federal Freedom of Information Act (or state open government laws) to get that information. Check out the FOIA machine, a new on-line tool sponsored by the Center for Investigative Reporting. What is it? Here's what the FOIA machine says:

What is the FOIA Machine?

FOIA Machine is the open source web transparency platform that allows journalists and citizens to prepare, file and track public record requests to government agencies worldwide.

What I can do with the FOIA Machine?

  • Prepare a request under the FOIA or any other Public Records state law from the agencies databases
  • Send one or more requests to a right officer and agency, or schedule it for later sending
  • Track the status of your requests
  • Get the records back to your email and FOIA Machine mailbox
  • Create projects from the group of similar requests
  • Use automated request creation workflow or request letter templates to prepare request
  • Search for other users requests and responsive documents
  • Share your FOIA experience with other users

Posted by Brian Wolfman on Friday, July 19, 2013 at 03:59 AM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)

Thursday, July 18, 2013

Roll Call: How Cordray Snagged 17 Republicans

by Jeff Sovern

Here.  According to the story, Republicans agreed to vote for Cordray because he promised to testify before (Portman's phrasing) brief (according to the CFPB spokesperson) the Appropriations Committee on the CFPB budget. Another piece of the agreement, according to Portman, is that the Bureau will implement cost-benefit analysis of CFPB regulations, though the Bureau spokesperson would not confirm that.  Assuming that the Senator is correct, that may not represent a change as Dodd-Frank already requires the Bureau to "consider . . . the potential benefits and costs to consumers
and [the entities it regulates]" before promulgating regulations.  12 U.S.C. § 5512.  I would have been concerned if the compromise required the Bureau to submit its regulations to the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs for cost-benefit analysis, as the proposed Independent Agency Regulatory Analysis Act would require, since review by that office seems to slow adoption of regulations significantly.  See, e.g., Editorial, Stuck in Purgatory, N.Y. Times, July 1, 2013 (noting that 72 draft rules had been under review for longer than the 90 days specified by executive order; 38 had been under consideration for more than a year; and three have been languishing since 2010).  But that seems not to be the case, and besides that would require congressional action rather than just a decision by Cordray.

Posted by Jeff Sovern on Thursday, July 18, 2013 at 03:35 PM in Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, Consumer Legislative Policy | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)

Sixth Circuit joins Ninth in reading Comcast narrowly

In a victory for class action plaintiffs, the Sixth Circuit has affirmed the certifcation of the class in In Re: Whirlpool Corporation Front-Loading Washer Products Liability Litigation, and distinguished the Supreme Court's decision in this Term in Comcast v. Behrend. The Sixth Circuit joins the Ninth in rejecting the argument that Comcast requires a classwide measurement of damages as a prerequisite to class certification: "it remains the ‘black letter rule’ that a class may obtain certification under Rule 23(b)(3) when liability questions common to the class predominate over damages questions unique to class members."

Today's decision specifically approves the certification of a class regarding liability issues only, notwithstanding the need to calculate damages individually. And "[w]here determinations on liability and damages have been bifurcated, see Fed. R. Civ. P. 23(c)(4), the decision in Comcast—to reject certification of a liability and damages class because plaintiffs failed to establish that damages could be measured on a classwide basis—has limited application."

Posted by Scott Michelman on Thursday, July 18, 2013 at 03:11 PM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)

Wednesday, July 17, 2013

On the Scarcity of Full Warranties

by Jeff Sovern

The federal Magnuson-Moss Warranty Act obliges sellers of most warranted consumer products to label the warranty either "full" or "limited."  15 U.S.C. § 2303(a).  But that distinction serves little purpose if manufacturers never provide full warranties.  I wondered how common full warranties are, and so I asked a research assistant, Eric Levine, to see what he could come up.  Alas, Eric could find no empirical evidence bearing on the scarcity of full warranties.  A few sources have noted that full warranties are less prevalent than limited warranties, see FindLaw, What is the Difference Between a Full Warranty and a Limited Warranty? (“Limited warranties are substantially more common” than full warranties); WiseGeek, What is a Full Warranty? (“In general, limited warranties are more frequently offered by manufacturers than full warranties.), but it is not clear what these observations are based on.  Consequently, I asked Eric to visit a store selling warranted consumer products to see how many had full warranties and how many limited. Of the twenty items he checked, seventeen carried limited warranties.  If you guessed that the remaining three warranties had full warranties, you were wrong: they were not labeled either full or limited; apparently their manufacturers were violating the Magnuson-Moss Act.    Not one warranty was full.  This is obviously only a tiny study conducted at one store, but when the tally for “not in compliance with the law” exceeds the number of items with full warranties, one may fairly wonder what the requirement that warranties be labelled full or limited is accomplishing. 

Posted by Jeff Sovern on Wednesday, July 17, 2013 at 06:58 PM | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)

Things Happening in Privacy Too

by Jeff Sovern

Last week, we linked to Ed Mierzwinski's post about complaints about CFPB information-gathering processes.  There's more.  Over at the Taking Charge blog, Fred Williams has a post on the CFPB data collection, Privacy Agencies Say Don't Worry: Consumer Bureau is No Spy.  Here's an excerpt:

"I am not aware of any privacy or consumer group that has raised these issues," said David Jacobs, consumer protection counsel at the Electronic Privacy Information Center. EPIC has taken on the NSA in court over its telephone record collection, as part of its focus on government intrusions on privacy.

"If Congress was truly concerned with consumer privacy, they should pass comprehensive consumer privacy legislation," Jacobs added.

 

Onto real, rather than manufactured, privacy topics.  On Monday, the Times ran a story, Attention, Shoppers: Store Is Tracking Your Cell about how stores use signals from phones to determine how much time particular shoppers spend at various points around the stores, how often the shopper returns to the store, and other things. Interestingly, when Nordstrom posted a sign that it was tracking customers in this way, customer complaints caused it to back down. But no law I'm aware of obliges companies to let their customers know they are engaging in such practices, which makes me wonder how many stores do this without notfiying their customers. It also suggests that legislators should consider enacting such a disclosure law.

And another story: According to yesterday's Times, ‘Do Not Track’ Rules Come a Step Closer to an Agreement.  Here's an excerpt:

Web users should be able to tell advertising networks not to show them targeted advertisements based on their browsing activities — and those companies should comply. That is the verdict of the leaders of a working group that has been arguing for almost two years over how to establish a uniform Do Not Track standard for the Internet.

 

Posted by Jeff Sovern on Wednesday, July 17, 2013 at 01:08 PM in Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, Privacy | Permalink | Comments (0) | TrackBack (0)

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